According to this graphic from Mother Jones, the turnout wouldn’t be that great for a 99% movement, at least if we assume that the top 10% have loyalties upward. H/T Buzzfeed

According to this graphic from Mother Jones, the turnout wouldn’t be that great for a 99% movement, at least if we assume that the top 10% have loyalties upward. H/T Buzzfeed

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For some reason this strikes me as incredibly reasonable, although I imagine that I’m in the minority in my view. It certainly is against tradition, and I can empathize with people not liking a charge for something that was once free. Still, I wonder how avid fans of authors will respond. Would you rather spend $10 on a movie or to (briefly) meet one of your favorite authors?
Heather Gain, the marketing manager of the Harvard Book Store in Cambridge, Mass., said that in recent years the store had begun doing more events that required the customer to buy a book, constantly reminding them that “if they aren’t purchasing the books from the establishments that are running these events, the bookstores are going to go away.”
“We’re a business,” Ms. Gain said. “We’re not just an Amazon showroom.”
The New York Times has the rest of the story here.
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Posted in Jeff, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
I’ve always enjoyed the wit and wisdom of Joel Stein’s writings. I especially enjoyed his column outlining some of his concerns on the rapidly developing ‘interactiveness’ of all writing, entertainment, and media. For what it’s worth Stein actually has a blog (although his last update was 5 years ago and he doesn’t allow for comments). Here’s a sample of the story: Continue reading
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On The Volokh Conspiracy Kenneth Anderson posts on the question of whether high debt makes a person less marry-able. Certainly SES can affect marriage rates, although not always in intuitive ways. However, I’m not aware of a good empirical study on this specific question and I imagine that it’s a complicated concern. You might check out the comments to the post – they are pretty amusing. For some reason this thread brings to mind TLC’s song “No Scrubs” .
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Robert Sapolsky and an olive baboon share a quiet moment on the Talek River, July 2007 (Credit: John Heminway)
A lot, apparently. National Geographic has a fascinating look at stress via the research of Stanford neurobiologist Robert Sapolsky. Here’s a bit of it: Continue reading
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Posted in Academia, Data, Jeff, Policy, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
The New York Times investigates the controversial process of ‘fracking’ for natural gas. (Not to be confused with the popular Battlestar Galactica use of the word). — [h/t property prof blog]
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Some interesting thoughts on the Pareto 80/20 principle as applied to work efficiency here.
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North Carolina experienced a very large ‘alienation of affection’ judgment recently. — Hell hath no fury … yada yada yada …. Only a handful of states still recognize this cause of action (suing someone for stealing your spouse).
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The annual APSA meeting in Washington, DC is upon us and should be a very successful event. Look forward to some live Twittering from us on the event. Pssst … the twitter feeds are to your right.
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We recently reported that there is a portion of Yellowstone National park in which it may be possible to commit crimes without viable prosecution. It was jokingly suggested that it might be a good time for that picnic in Yellowstone you’ve been thinking about. Now we hear that convicts have escaped from an Arizona correctional facility and may be hiding out in parts of Yellowstone. So, um, you might think about canceling that picnic.
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RIP
July 10, 1942 – May 16, 2010

Back in 1980, I forgot to return my Columbia House Record Club notice and ended up receiving Black Sabbath’s “The Mob Rules” in the mail as the monthly featured selection. It ended up being a great decision. This was my first introduction to Black Sabbath and the experience changed my musical taste forever. While the appeal of Black Sabbath has always been Tony Iommi’s riveting guitar riff’s, the vocals were unlike anything I had listened to prior to that time. Of course, many of you must assume I am talking about Ozzy Osbourne. Nope. In 1980 Ozzy was a solo act, having been fired by Iommi a year before. The lead singer of my Black Sabbath was Ronnie James Dio. Continue reading
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Posted in Pop Culture, Richard Fording, Uncategorized

Normally, this sort of thing would fall within my twitter posts, but I couldn’t pass up providing the above pic of a “Planet of the Apes” lunch box. Note that it depicts the television show as opposed to the series of movies. I want this lunch box
You can find the rest here. [h/t Boing Boing]
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Posted in Jeff, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
The relative wealth of US presidents is outlined here. Surely there is an empirical study here somewhere — there are some problems in that this apparently looks at their wealth at the time of their death or maybe at different times – it’s interesting though.
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Posted in Jeff, Presidency, Uncategorized

Professor Richard Fording
I am pleased to welcome professor Richard Fording of the University of Kentucky to Voir Dire as a guest blogger. He is a c0-author and graduate school classmate of mine. But, despite these disadvantages, he has made quite a name for himself in state politics and public policy. His work has appeared in the American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, Journal of Politics, and the American Sociological Review, among other journals. He is also currently the associate director of the University of Kentucky Center for Poverty Research. Please join me in welcoming him to the blog.
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Here’s some interesting advice on traveling and living on a budget – I should probably read it twice
(Check out the resource links at the end)
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In the National Journal Magazine, Jonathan Rauch discusses a new book on such socioeconomic trends in the states – Red Families v. Blue Families: Legal Polarization and the Creation of Culture, by Naomi Cahn and June Carbon (Oxford University Press). Here’s an excerpt:
The country’s lowest divorce rate belongs to none other than Massachusetts, the original home of same-sex marriage. Palinites might wish that Massachusetts’s enviable marital stability were an anomaly, but it is not. The pattern is robust. States that voted for the Democratic presidential candidate in both 2004 and 2008 boast lower average rates of divorce and teenage childbirth than do states that voted for the Republican in both elections. (That is using family data for 2006 and 2007, the latest available. Continue reading
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Posted in Courts, Data, Jeff, Policy, politics, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
The NY Times carries an intriguing story on the increasingly uneasy relationship between doctors and the insurance companies who pay for their services. This comes on the heels of a revealing study which indicates that doctors are not pleased with the way their ability to practice medicine is affected by third parties. Some excerpts:
One colleague told me late one night, just a few months before she left medicine altogether, that she was proud of being a conscientious doctor who spent time with patients and thus could often avoid costly tests and referrals. “But look at me,” she said, the anger in her voice nearly palpable over the phone. “I’m at the office late every night taking care of mindless paperwork, just so the insurance companies can deny payment.”
For nearly three decades, editorials, online posts and surveys have noted this rising frustration and anger among practicing physicians. But over the last two years, the pot of emotions seems to have boiled over. In all the recent discussions about health care reform, what had heretofore played out only beyond earshot of the exam room suddenly was very public: the tangled, uneasy and often antagonistic relationship between practicing doctors and the insurance companies who pay for the services they deliver.
As a primary care doctor posted recently on Sermo, among the nation’s largest online physician communities: “We are our own worst enemies, as we have allowed insurance companies and Medicare to set the value of our services. Clearly those values they impose have nothing to do with our contribution to the health of our patients or the cost savings we bring about.”
and then there’s the administrative red tape:
These canaries may be right. Last year, a study published in the health policy journal Health Affairs found that physicians in private practice on average spent nearly three weeks in time and $68,000 in staffing per year dealing with the particular administrative constraints of third-party payers. Doctors who were specialists could better afford to support these costs; but primary care physicians devoted as much as a third of their average yearly income (including benefits) to these interactions with the various health plans.
Check out the rest here.
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Posted in Jeff, Policy, Uncategorized
Hopefully it does not look familiar to you, but I’m guessing that you get some emails with the same tone.

"I believe that children are our future ...."
You can see the rest of the exchange here.
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Posted in Academia, Jeff, Uncategorized
The NY Times carries an interesting story on this question, prompted perhaps by President Obama’s recent nomination of ‘liberal Berkeley law professor” Goodwin Liu to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. The Times turns to political scientists for empirical analysis of this proposition – I don’t know why the media would do this, surely Tucker Carlson, Keith Olbermann, or some other pundit was available to tell us whatever was passing through their tiny brain at the moment — it seems odd that they would turn to people who might have something insightful to say. Anyway, here are some excerpts:
Andrew D. Martin, a professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis, said that his research suggested that the Second Circuit, based in New York, and the Third Circuit, based in Philadelphia, “are about as far left as the Ninth,” he said.
The Bush appointees, Mr. Martin said, had “caused the Ninth Circuit to drift back to the right a little bit.” Other circuits, especially the Fifth Circuit, based in New Orleans, and the Sixth, based in Ohio, are on the right. “The differences correspond to the local politics of those areas,” he said, and he argued that the attacks on the Ninth Circuit were politically motivated.
But wait, there’s more:
Susan B. Haire, an associate professor of political science at the University of Georgia, has done extensive research into the rate of reversal for the various circuits and said that, in fact, the reversal rates for the Ninth are generally higher than for other circuits. However, Ms. Haire noted that the Ninth hears far more cases than any other circuit.
It is by far the largest of the circuits, with nearly 30 active judges across nine Western states and two Pacific territories, and had more than 12,000 new cases filed in 2009.
In the context of the total volume of cases, she said reversals are “marginally higher than the other circuits, but such a teeny-tiny difference from a substantive perspective even if it is statistically significant, people might say that’s to be expected when you have such a high volume” of cases.
[h/t http://twitter.com/abwhitford]
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Posted in Courts, Data, Jeff, Law, Presidency, Uncategorized
Somehow this matter has taken on an ideological dimension. The rather interesting post comments suggest that it probably has little to do with ideology notwithstanding legislative activity by Democrat members of congress to curtail such fees. Check it out here. For me it’s a fairly straightforward matter, but I’m not revealing what side I’m taking on this one — it’s just too divisive of an issue.
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Posted in Academia, Jeff, politics, Pop Culture, Uncategorized

"From 1890 to 1990, the return on residential real estate was just about zero" -- Robert Shiller
Ramit Sethi has a great post on this along with an excerpt from his book on this subject here.
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Posted in Jeff, Uncategorized
Want to get elected? Get the power of Google behind you – just ask Scott Brown of Massachusetts. As elections become increasingly web dependent, Google is poised to be a power player and offers some compelling advantages given its top spot in the search engine marketplace. See more on this on Madisonian.net blog. Want more? Check out the Google Policy Blog’s top 5 strategies for political campaigns: Continue reading
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Posted in Data, Jeff, Policy, politics, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
As I continue to be woefully late on an essay on how to reform the review and awarding of fees to professionals in chapter 11 bankruptcy cases (don’t worry, Maryland J. of Bus. & Tech. Law–it’s coming!), I’m trying to think of other areas in which those who are billing for professional services don’t really have to “push their bills across the table to a real client” but to a stand-in for a real client. Lawyers who represent humans have to push their bills across the table (figuratively speaking) to those humans, who can then stare the lawyers in the eye and ask why the lawyers engaged in certain tasks. Lawyers who represent even fictional people, like corporations, have to push their bills across the table to a live corporate officer/manager, who likewise can look at the bills and ask hard questions. But lawyers who represent the debtor-in-possession or the creditors’ committee are representing fiduciaries, and those fiduciaries aren’t always all “across the table” in the same way that clients might be outside of bankruptcy. Do these professionals have to do more defensive lawyering than lawyers are doing if they’re not representing fiduciaries? Are lawyers who do class action litigation in the same boat? Any thoughts?
(Posted by Nancy Rapoport)
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On the right — you can do some simple (and free) online activities to help the cause — it just takes a few minutes.
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We’ve touched on this topic before, but USA Today has a really interesting story on it, so we’re talking about it more – see my post on prawfsblawg here.
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As in this scene from “Inglorious Bastards”
Find out why here.
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From BreakingLegalnews.com:
Controversial court nominee survives Senate test
Political and Legal – POSTED: 2009/11/18 06:23
Democrats on Tuesday crushed a Senate filibuster against a controversial appeals court nominee, demonstrating to Republicans they can’t stop President Barack Obama from turning the federal judiciary to the left.
The 70-29 vote limited debate over the qualifications of U.S. District Judge David Hamilton of Indiana, and assured his elevation to the Chicago-based appeals court. Sixty votes were needed to end the filibuster, but confirmation only requires a simple majority of the 100-member Senate.
Ten Republicans repudiated their own party leaders and voted to limit debate. The Obama administration made a crucial decision from the outset by getting the support of Hamilton’s home-state Republican senator, Richard Lugar.
The vote emphatically warned Republicans that with only 40 senators, they’re too outnumbered to prevent Obama from making major inroads into a judiciary that was populated over eight years with conservative judges chosen by President George W. Bush.
Republicans have objected to holding a vote on Hamilton’s confirmation since June, when the Judiciary Committee reported his nomination favorably to the full Senate.
Conservative Republican senators and their judicial-watching outside groups then launched a major political assault on Hamilton.
They criticized his rulings against Christian prayers in the Indiana legislature and against a menorah in the Indiana Municipal Building’s holiday display.
So building off my comments from yesterday I’d like to raise the issue of what political science research has to say about the legitimacy of judicial institutions, point out an apparent discrepancy in research on different aspects of our legal system, and ask (somewhat provocatively) what our role is as academics in informing the general public about the “realities” of how that system works when they seem to operate in stark contrast to traditional understandings of what our legal system is designed to do.
First, starting with Pritchett (1942), decades of behavioral research reveals that judges vote disproportionately in favor of outcomes that are consistent with their political preferences. These results stand in direct contrast to the notions that unelected judges derive authority from their expertise and ability to act as unbiased “interpreters of the law.” Now clearly we need some sort of third party arbitrators to resolve disputes that inevitably arise between people in our society – the question is why do judges get to make those determinations. The answer according to democratic theory is because they are experts in legal interpretation and will make judgments according to that expertise. Empirical findings however reveal the strong influence of other factors including political preference and ideology. Concerns about the equal administration of justice and the fairness of judicial outcomes are necessarily implicated when outcomes have more to do with the idiosyncratic preferences of who is on the bench than what the law requires under particular circumstances. Now this is not really the fault of the framers – they didn’t know better than to put their faith in traditional notions of legitimate judicial authority deriving from objective exercise of legal expertise – but after 50 years of empirical research don’t we know better now? Isn’t it time to reconcile outdated notions of judicial authority with current understandings of influences on judicial behavior? Political scientists have seemed content with demonstrating the fallacy of formalistic notions of legal decision making over the last half century – but we haven’t really adequately dealt with the normative implications of these findings.
More than this, research on public opinion on the legal system seems to celebrate the fact that citizens generally hold the courts and judges in high esteem compared to other institutions and political officials based on what Gibson and Caldeira have called “legitimizing myths” about how judges and the court system operates. Is this really cause for celebration? Should we be happy that people come to value courts based on misconceptions about how they operate? There is even research that suggests that people can hold courts in high esteem, at the same time they understand that political factors often come into play in the decisions of judges. Shouldn’t someone be pointing out the inconsistency in these two beliefs if part of what our legal system is designed to do is treat individuals equally without bias?
Now of course as someone who has been assigned the role of “guest blogger” my comments here are intentionally designed to be provocative. But I guess I’m wondering what the larger role of academics is in shaping public perceptions of the political institutions that are the subject of our research. The issue seems to come to a head whenever a new Supreme Court justice is nominated. Political scientists often want to throw tomatoes at C-SPAN when we hear judges talking about being umpires, objectively calling balls and strikes, because it is so contrary to our understanding of the judging in the legal system actually works. But the dog and pony show has a purpose. We, as a society, need our myths. OR we need a completely different justification of why judges get to make the decisions they do. To debunk the former without coming up with the latter would cause extreme discomfort if citizens started to really think about the democratic implications of what we do as empirical scholars. Maybe it’s a good thing that they don’t as a matter of routine. But to what extent to we have an obligation to point out these inconsistencies between the unrealistic requirements of democratic theory and the way the legal system actually works…
The proposed Coburn amendment to eliminate the political science division of the National Science Foundation and funding for political science research has once again raised the question of whether academic research is relevant to real-world problems.
The controversy over electing judges provides interesting insight into this question, particularly when examining the reactions of the advocacy community to scientific studies of judicial elections published in the nation’s leading academic journals, law reviews, and commercial presses. While there certainly are valid criticisms of empirical studies of judicial selection, it simply is the case that empirical findings that contradict political strategies and goals will not be acknowledged and incorporated into the public dialogue no matter how relevant or compelling.
It has not mattered, for example, that empirical evidence has shown for decades that there are no measurable differences between judges chosen in partisan elections and judges chosen by other “less political” methods. Nor have many in the “reform” community demonstrated concern with the fact that nonpartisan elections effectively disenfranchise large segments of the electorate, raise the costs of seeking office, and open supreme court races to idiosyncratic forces. Similarly, recent evidence showing that confidence in courts is not lower in states using partisan elections has not been incorporated into the public dialogue, or the fact that elections are perhaps the most powerful legitimacy-conferring institutions in the world.
The bottom line is that contradictory evidence is irrelevant to actors pursuing their own agendas, an irony in the case of judicial selection since many of the most aggressive advocates against judicial elections are judges and attorneys. The same evidence also may seem, without effort to understand it, incomprehensible.
In fact, many advocates in the judicial selection controversy engage in forms of fact-finding quite removed from the standards and practices of scientific journals in political science, including the use of anecdotes to claim general tendencies or to discredit them, public opinion polls with biased question wording and flawed sampling strategies, incorrect and selective interpretation of poll results, and reliance on the opinions of “experts” as concrete evidence of problems that cannot yet be seen but nonetheless purportedly are looming. These are attempts to seek the truth but often produce evidence that does not withstand more rigorous scientific scrutiny.
There is another kind of problem, however, quite apart from sincere though flawed attempts to seek the truth. Best explained by Princeton University Professor Emeritus Harry Frankfurt in his illuminating essay On Bullshit, there is a distinct form of expression – “bullshit” – the defining characteristic of which is offering statements to suit one’s own purpose without much regard for whether the statements actually are true or false. Given the instrumental nature of political action (no matter how altruistically the goals of many advocacy organizations are stated) and the willingness to argue positions that may lack empirical support, academic work is ignored or dismissed, usually with flimsy arguments not befitting a badly educated high school debate team (more on this in my next post). As part of this, econometrics become easy to caricature among non-academics as being divorced from reality or as having some fatal flaw. Thus, “bullshit” is a powerful countervailing force to science.
In short, science and politics often are not compatible, and no amount of careful study, scientific rigor, or attempts to contribute constructively to the political process will change that. Even so, truth intrinsically is important, and the difficulties political scientists may encounter when engaging political actors does not render the enterprise any less worthwhile.
Melinda Gann Hall
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In the midst of furloughs and massive cut backs at many state schools, the University of Alabama’s announcement of Nick Saban’s 42.35 million dollar coaching contract is almost humorous … almost. The Faculty Lounge details the announcement here. But college sports pay for everything else at the university, right? As you may recall we already dealt with this question.
Posted in Academia, Jeff, Policy, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
I did some hiking (glorified walking) at Taughannock Falls yesterday. It’s about 10 miles outside of Ithaca, NY. It takes about an hour to an hour and a half to do the loop around the falls. Here are some pictures.

Here's a nice view of the gorge

Here's a rickety bridge you cross to get over the falls

And finally, here's the view of the falls from said rickety bridge
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Posted in Jeff, Uncategorized
In my last blog, I noted the problem of selection bias in studying appellate court decisions and also pointed out that Harold Spaeth is coding a sample of denied certiorari petitions that will help us assess the degree to which this problem exists at the SCOTUS. In a recent email from him, he let me know that the Burger Court sample is completed (available at the South Carolina JURI site), and that:
“I am not quite finished coding Blackmun’s docket sheets on the Rehnquist Court (1986-94), but I expect to finish this database by early Fall. It will contain a sample of the Court’s denied petitions allowing individuals to ascertain the proportion of petitions dealing with various legal and constitutional provisions that the Court accepted. No longer will any basis exist for selecting on the dependent variable. The direction of the denied petitions is also provided along with other more or less pertinent data.”
Thanks to Harold for this information.
Of course, this does not solve the problem of selection bias at the U.S. Courts of Appeals or even the trial courts, since the concern could be expressed that disputes settle and therefore there is selection bias in any study of judicial decision making.
This problem ultimately cannot be resolved completely because, as I said in my last post, at some point, it becomes turtles all the way down. Of course, the extent to which selection bias matters depends on the questions the researcher is asking. If you are using court cases as your database to say something about disputes writ large, you’ve got a problem. But if you are studying court cases to say something about court cases, well, then I’m less concerned, even in appellate courts–assuming they have mandatory dockets. The problem obviously becomes more pronounced when courts exercise discretion over their own dockets.
In my next blog, I’ll have something more to say abuot alleged inaccuracies or miscodings in the Spaeth or Songer Databases.
it makes headlines — Judicial politics scholar Chris Zorn (and methodologist Jeff Gill) are featured in the Wall Street Journal discussing the DH rule and political ideology.
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Posted in Jeff, Uncategorized
This morning, CNN released the results of a survey regarding public support for Sonia Sotomayor’s nomination to the Supreme Court. About 47% of Americans support confirmation while 40% oppose it (13% had “no opinion”). To provide context, these results suggest that she is faring better than Harriet Miers did at this point. The percent supporting confirmation are comparable to Alito’s (and probably within the margin of error for Ginsburg and Thomas at a comparable point in their confirmation processes), but she also has more negative ratings than Alito, Ginsburg, and Thomas had. Naturally, though, her qualifications (“Well Qualified” ABA rating as noted by Paul Collins noted below) along with 60 Democratic votes in the Senate continue to make this look like a nomination that will end with a successful confirmation.
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Posted in Courts, Damon Cann, Uncategorized
One of the problems in answering questions as to how liberal or conservative a judge might be is coming up with some acceptable measure of ideology. There is no generally accepted measure of lower court ideology. A judge’s own partisan affiliation and the ideology of a judge’s appointing president have often been employed as useful surrogates of judicial attitudes. Scholars have sometimes ignored the ideology of the judge, and inferred his or her ideology from that of the appointing president. For example, Tate and Handberg (1991) proposed a measure of the ideology of the appointing president: -1 for ideologically conservative and presidents, 0 for nonideological presidents, and 1 for ideologically liberal presidents.
A recent and now widely used ideology measure was devised by Giles, Hettinger and Pepper (2001). This uses the Poole Nominate scores of the home state senators or of the nominating president if there is no home state senator of the same party as the president. The scores can range from -1 (most liberal) to +1 (most conservative). If we examine the nomination of Sotomayor to the United States District Court in 1992, she was nominated by a Republican president with a Republican home state Senator – Al D’Amato. That would peg her ideology at the time at .14, very moderate and just slightly conservative, befitting a then Republican Senator representing a very Democratic state. However, it was well known that both New York Senators employed a courtesy relationship in reference to judicial appointments. Depending upon the party of the president, the Senator of the same party would get 3 out of every 4 judicial appointments and the other Senator 1 out of every 4. Sotomayor was clearly an appointment of Daniel Moynihan. So if we peg the ideology to Moynihan, -.562, then Sotomayor is very liberal. Of course this shows one of the problems with this particular measure, and indeed with any measure of ideology.
Her appointment in 1998 to the Second Circuit presents no such problem. Clinton was president, so we can use Moynihan’s score, which at this time was even more liberal, – .614. Thus by using the Giles, et. al. measure, Sotomayor is very liberal.
Another measure was developed by a former colleague of mine, Dave Nixon, developed a more direct measure for each judge. We first used this in a paper published in the Washington University Journal of Law and Policy (2003), and Scott Graves and I use it in our forthcoming book on recess appointments and I use it some other publications and it will be in another forthcoming book of mine of Courts and Tax policy. The calculation begins by using the nominate scores of congressional representatives who later served as federal judges as a formula for determining a nominate score comparable to Nominate scores. The formula then uses various circumstances surrounding the appointment such as unified government, wartime, party of the judge and party of the president, among other factors. Unlike the Giles, et. al. scores the Nixon/Howard scores allow for differences for judges even if appointed from the same state by the same president. The scores range from about -5, most liberal to + 5, most conservative.
Given all that, what is Sotomayor’s ideology based on both appointments? Although appointed first by a Republican president and then by a Democratic president, her ideology is similar in both, particularly since both took place under divided government. Her first score is – .21, while her second is -.28. Both liberal, to be sure, but both more moderate than the Giles, et. al. score.
Which is correct, what better predicts her future voting? Who knows, perhaps neither. We have not even begun to discuss the Segal Cover measure, more on that later.
Bob
… something light and fun to get you through the rest of the week – video of a guy named Ray attempting to break various items while wearing a strong man suit. The circus music and chimpanzee sounds are an especially nice touch. Thank goodness for the serious and thoughtful posting activity of our guest blogger program or you’d probably just get silly stuff like this from me during the summer.
For those of you who are frequent Adam Carolla podcast listeners and know Ray’s backstories, this will be especially fun. But even if you have no idea who he is, it’s still somewhat mindlessly entertaining.
A word of caution: it’s all fairly wholesome fun, but there is some course language when Ray gets frustrated. For what it’s worth, the link (above) works better than the embedded video below, which requires more manual labor to get the videos to all run one after the other.
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Posted in Jeff, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
I want to thank Jeff and Andy for the introduction and opportunity to guest blog periodically on their website. Although I publish on all areas of law and courts, my particular area of expertise is on law and policy and I hope to blog about that in the near future.
However, one thing that is striking to me as I write for a blog that straddles the lines of political science and law are the differences in citation rates between law and political science and even between fields and subfields in political science.
I am very happy that my work appears to be cited highly and I am particularly pleased that many law professors cite my work. In fact, at least half of my citations are in law related journals and law reviews. However, one reason for that is law reviews cite many more sources than political science. The emphasis on footnotes and careful citation is the norm for law reviews. The entire citation process is very different for political science.
Indeed even within political science there are significant differences. In a 2007 article in PS: Political Science and Politics, Mike Giles and Jim Garand note the significantly lower citation rates of articles and books in American Politics (Giles and Garand, 2007 pp. 746-747) as compared to international and comparative studies. In our department we put some emphasis on citations for those seeking promotion and tenure to Associate Professor and it is very important for promotion to full, yet it appears to hurt those who write and research in American Politics as compared to those who specialize in IR and Comparative Politics.
Maybe I should not complain too much because public law encroaches on legal scholarship so we get the benefit of citations in law reviews and law journals.
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Posted in Academia, Bob Howard, Courts, Law, Uncategorized

It seems like Andy and I have gone through endless alternative titles for our book (no, it is not the one pictured above) which should be out this summer on Johns Hopkins Press. However, I’m really glad that none of our tentative titles really rivals (in terms of oddness) any of the titles you will find in Oddee’s collection of strange book titles. You’ll note that one of the books is written by a famous academic. Another one, “Foreskin’s Lament” I have actually read, or more accurately, listened to on Itunes. It’s very funny and you might recognize the author, Shalom Auslander, from his guest appearances on Chicago Public Radio’s program “This American Life.”
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Posted in Academia, Jeff, Pop Culture, Presidency, Uncategorized
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… the high end financial executives, of course. Gawker provides a funny youtube video chronicling life after the high life in NYC (below). Perhaps this guy can find fulfillment on Odd Todd – a site devoted to helping those who are unemployed pass the time. Warning: pretty much all of the links in this post (and the youtube video) contain what some may consider coarse language and potentially offensive subject matter; nothing horrible, but not “G” rated, by any means.
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Posted in Jeff, Other, Policy, Pop Culture, Uncategorized
The Statistical Modeling, Causal Inference, and Social Science Blog has a post on an interesting paper by J.M. Epstein concerning modeling. Here’s an excerpt:
In summary, while most mathematical treatment of statistical modeling tends to be focused purely on prediction, there is a good reason why the cost of interpretation should be considered. Epstein’s list of why interpretability matters should motivate us to care:
1. Explain (very distinct from predict)
2. Guide data collection
3. Illuminate core dynamics
4. Suggest dynamical analogies
5. Discover new questions
6. Promote a scientific habit of mind
7. Bound (bracket) outcomes to plausible ranges
8. Illuminate core uncertainties.
9. Offer crisis options in near-real time
10. Demonstrate tradeoffs / suggest efficiencies
11. Challenge the robustness of prevailing theory through perturbations
12. Expose prevailing wisdom as incompatible with available data
13. Train practitioners
14. Discipline the policy dialogue
15. Educate the general public
16. Reveal the apparently simple (complex) to be complex (simple)
… more specifically on hiring trends, on Leiter and Alfred Brophy on the Faculty Lounge Blog here and here. They make some interesting comments and predictions. I may post on this later when I’ve had more time to think about the topic, but I’ll posit two quick thoughts here: 1) any downturn in the economy creates institutional reactions, true, but it also creates personal reactions to those reactions. If teaching loads go up or tenure becomes more difficult (two of the predicted effects of the economic downturn), then academia becomes less attractive to certain individuals who may pursue alternative career paths. This, in turn, has its own implications. 2) A downturn in the economy also creates opportunities for those institutions who are better situated to deal with it – poaching may become more prevalent as more financially flush institutions are able to attract laterals from relatively less well off institutions.
… of messages left on Sarah Palin’s answering machine after the debate.
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While the satirical candidate public service announcement video (below), starring Tina Fey (as Sarah Palin) and Amy Poehler (as Hillary Clinton) is good fun, if you want to see the actual presidential candidate commercials they are available on “The Living Room Candidate.”
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